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The submission of the Officers of the All-Party Parliamentary Pro-life Group

In response to the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority Consultation Document

 Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction

 January 2002

  All-Party Parliamentary Pro-life Group

 Chairman: Jim Dobbin MP

 Vice Chairmen: Ann Winterton MP, Rt Hon. Ann Widdecombe MP,

Lord Stallard & Baroness Masham of Ilton

 Hon Secretaries: Joe Benton MP & Kerry Pollard MP

 Hon Treasurers: Professor the Lord Alton of Liverpool & Rev Martin Smyth MP

 Clerk: Martin Foley

  

c/o Jim Dobbin MP

Room 208

 Portcullis House

Westminster

London

SW1A 0AA

Email: foleym@parliament.uk

Contents:

  1. Introduction and Overview
  2. The Public Consultation

2.1 The 1993 Consultation

2.2 Market Research and Discussion Groups

2.3 Timing of the 2002/2003 Consultation

2.4 Purpose of the Consultation Exercise

2.5 Factual Error

  1. Reasons for Sex Selection

3.1 Ethical Status of the Human Embryo

  1. Methods of Sex Selection

4.1 Pre-implantation and Post-implantation Sex Selection

4.2 Pre-conception Sex Selection

4.3 Health Risks

  1. Legal and Regulatory Issues

5.1 Legal Issues

5.2 Regulation and the HFEA’s role

  1. Ethical/Social Issues

6.1 Eugenics

6.2 Sex Selection for Social Reasons

6.3 ‘Family Balancing’

  1. Conclusion
  2. Appendix A

1. Introduction and Overview

Sex selection, whether for medical reasons or social reasons, is unethical and discriminatory and should not be countenanced in a society pledged to principles of equality.

The practice represents a further step in the commodification of human reproduction. In the same way as other reproductive technologies that have preceded it - for example in vitro fertilisation, pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, posthumous conception and cloning – sex selection substitutes the concept of life as a gift with those of production and manufacture.

We are committed to upholding the sanctity of human life from conception until natural death. The issue of sex selection cannot be addressed in isolation from the question of research on embryos in general.

The human embryo should be accorded the same degree of respect as any other human being.[1] It follows that destructive embryo research and direct abortion is never acceptable.

Regardless of the method employed, sex selection is predicated upon destructive embryo research and abortion. It should be banned.

The title of the consultation document is “Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction”. We regret that the exercise of choice appears to trump the exercise of responsibility.

2. The Public Consultation

2.1 The 1993 Consultation

The HFEA last held a public consultation on sex selection between January and June 1993. Their annual report of 1993 referred to this consultation and said that the responses were being analysed.[2] No report as such of this consultation was ever made public.

In their 1994 annual report[3] the HFEA referred to this earlier consultation:

“Over 2000 copies of the consultation document were distributed and approximately 200 responses were received from centres, infertile people, women’s groups, religious organisations and others….

The Authority was persuaded by the balance of arguments set out in the document against the use of sex selection for social reasons…..

The Authority approved in principle the use of sex selection techniques for medical reasons in cases where a woman risks having a child with a life-threatening, sex linked disease…..

Ministers and licensed centres were notified of the Authority’s decisions in letters from the Chairman in July 1993.”

In effect, the HFEA had decided on the use of sex selection for medical reasons before the consultation was undertaken and reached their conclusions so soon after the final date for submissions as to make a mockery of the consultation exercise.

We trust that this consultation will be managed with greater efficiency and transparency. In particular, we trust that all the responses submitted and the results of the consultation exercise will be placed in the public domain, regardless of whether or not they accord with the HFEA’s conclusions.

2.2 Market Research and Discussion Groups

With this in mind we note with concern that the HFEA has conducted “qualitative market research involving a number of discussion groups”[4] on attitudes towards sex selection. Details regarding membership of these discussion groups, the questions they considered and the results of their deliberations should have been included within the consultation document. That they were not exacerbates our concerns regarding the HFEA’s transparency and calls into question its competency, a matter we will revisit when we consider legal and regulatory issues in section 5.

2.3 Timing of the 2002 Consultation

Sex selection for social reasons was rejected by the HFEA in 1993, presumably because the public response was so overwhelmingly negative. During the past decade, the ethical arguments against sex selection for social reasons have not changed. The question therefore arises as to why this latest consultation exercise has been launched?

What has changed during the past decade is the increase in the number and effectiveness of sex selection technologies. The HFEA’s decision to publish Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction betrays its deeply held bias when reaching decisions on embryo research and reproductive technologies. Its principal concerns are whether procedures are safe and reliable and whether they should be regulated. Comprehensive ethical analysis is invariably sidelined.

The HFEA specialises in situational ethics that serve the temporal interests and feelings of humanity.

2.4 Purpose of the Consultation Exercise

The consultation document sets forth a number of questions to guide respondents in framing their submissions.[5] The unique purpose of this consultation is later described as:

“to seek the views of the public concerning under what circumstances sex selection should be available to those seeking treatment and whether any new legal provisions should be put in place to regulate it.”[6]

Nowhere is the public asked whether or not it considers it is ever appropriate to authorise sex selection for medical or social reasons. Rather, we are essentially asked to choose between two alternatives. The first would involve the approval and regulation of sex selection. The second would leave sex selection unregulated with individuals free to practice it so long as donor sperm is not used and/or embryos are not created in vitro.

This is wholly unsatisfactory. The failure to seek responses on the pivotal question of whether or not sex selection should be banned represents a glaring omission which betrays the HFEA’s preference for regulated sex selection provided it is safe and effective.

2.5 Factual Error

The consultation document also contains a factual error. At page 8 we are advised that sex selection is not prohibited in India. In fact, India approved the highly-restrictive ‘Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuses) Act in 1994.

3. Reasons for Sex Selection

We are advised that the reasons people have for wanting to select the sex of offspring fall into two categories: medical and non-medical.[7] Regardless of the reasons, sex selection is predicated upon the manipulation and destruction of nascent human life. We therefore consider the practice as unacceptable.

3.1 Ethical Status of the Human Embryo

Our position on the ethical status of the human embryo is summarized in Appendix A. As this has a fundamental bearing upon the justifications for sex selection we would like to take this opportunity to expand a little on this fundamental issue.

Life begins at conception, the moment of the fusion of the human gametes (male sperm and female egg). This new human life, which comes into existence with the formation of the one-cell zygote, has an inbuilt capacity to initiate, sustain, control and direct its own development. The works of recognized experts in the field of biological and embryological science support this analysis.[8]

The significance of conception as the starting point of our human existence is illustrated by an article in ‘Nature’ magazine last year.[9] Headed, ‘Your destiny, from day one’ the article states, “Your world was shaped in the first 24 hours after conception. Where your head and feet would sprout, and which side would form your back and which your belly, were being defined in the minutes and hours after sperm and egg united……by tagging specific points on mammalian eggs shortly after fertilization, researchers have shown that they come to lie at predictable points in the embryo.”

As human life begins at conception we are implacably opposed to any research or technology that involves the manipulation and destruction of the human embryo, regardless of the scientific and medical benefits such research may bring. 

This refusal to be swayed by crude utilitarian or situational ethics stands in stark contrast to the approach adopted by the HFEA and its precursor, the Committee of Enquiry into Human Fertilisation and Embryology (Warnock Committee Report).[10]  Figures recently disclosed in a parliamentary written answer from the Department of Health[11] indicate that since 1991 925,747 embryos have been created through in vitro fertilisation (IVF) treatment. 294,584 embryos remained unused during the course of IVF treatment cycles and were therefore destroyed.

It is impossible to reconcile this unprecedented destruction of nascent human beings with the so-called “respect for the embryo” coined by the Warnock Committee, subsequently reflected in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 and repeatedly referred to by the HFEA and its members.

Baroness Warnock has been honest enough to recognise this. She has referred to the “absurdities” of the current legislative and regulatory framework.[12]

This consultation is indicative of so much of the sanctimonious soul searching that emanates from the HFEA, an organisation that has authorised the destruction of human embryos on a truly horrendous scale.

We are opposed to sex selection for whatever reasons if it is contingent upon the destruction of human embryos. The consultation document asserts that preconception sex selection may be “attractive to a wider group of people” as it “reduces the likelihood of embryos of the unintended sex being produced, which….might end up being destroyed.”[13]

However, as we will illustrate in the next section, the consultation document envisages pre-conception sex selection being combined with IVF and preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD)[14]. As this would necessarily involve the creation of supernumerary embryos that would be destroyed and discarded it is unacceptable to us.

4. Methods of Sex Selection

The consultation document sets forth three different methods of sex selection:

  • Pre-conception or ‘sperm sorting’
  • Pre-implantation (PGD)
  • Post-implantation

4.1 Pre-implantation (PGD) and Post-implantation Sex Selection

Clearly, PGD and post-implantation sex selection will never be acceptable to us, regardless of their reliability or safety for the woman involved. Both are predicated on the destruction of unborn human beings.

4.2 Pre-conception Sex Selection

Pre-conception sex selection or sperm sorting is superficially attractive, particularly for the avoidance of serious sex linked disorders. As the statement from the Ethics Committee of the American Society of Reproductive Medicine acknowledges[15], it is “less invasive and costly than other methods.”

However, we would take issue with the assertion from the aforementioned committee that sperm sorting “causes no destruction of prenatal life”.  We raise two specific concerns:

  • Accuracy – The consultation document notes that “current data show that the most reliable current method of sperm sorting leads to error in about 25 per cent of cases in which a male child is sought and 5 per cent of cases in which a female child is sought.”[16]

No doubt a number of those parents who are dissatisfied with the selected sex of their child will seek and obtain an abortion. We will not endorse a technique which utilises abortion to ameliorate the prospective parents’ dissatisfaction with the sex of their child.

  • Combined methods – The consultation document envisages combining sperm sorting with the accuracy of PGD. [17] The general tone of the consultation document leads us to suspect that this method is preferred by the HFEA. It goes a long way towards satisfying its overriding concern with safety and reliability and yet still allows it to claim that as PGD is not being employed in isolation, the embryo is being treated with some degree of respect.

The combined method will certainly improve the accuracy and reliability of sex selection. However, it is dependent upon the creation, manipulation and destruction of human embryos. For the reasons set forth in section 3, this is wholly unacceptable.

As far as the avoidance of serious sex-linked disorders in concerned, sperm sorting remains unacceptable so long as the destruction of prenatal life is consequent to it. We vigorously endorse in vivo research and treatment and further post-birth treatment to eradicate or minimise the adverse effects of such disorders provided such research and treatment is cognisant of the inviolability of human life.

4.3 Health Risks and dangers of disability to offspring through IVF treatment.

The health risks of the various methods of sex selection must also be taken into consideration. As far as the health risks to mother and offspring from sperm sorting and PGD are concerned, the consultation document is fairly sanguine.[18] It is acknowledged that large scale studies will be required to assess the safety of the flow cytometry technique, that biopsy carries a “small risk of damage to the embryo”[19] and that there are risks to the woman associated with IVF.

Sadly, no reference is made to the joint working party that has been established by the HFEA and the Medical Research Council to investigate a number of recent studies indicating that some forms of IVF treatment, most notably intra-cytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI), may be unsafe and cause children born using these techniques to face health problems in later life.

The consultation document also fails to refer to growing concerns from scientists that any technique that meddles with early human development – such as the removal of cells from an early embryo for PGD – might potentially be harmful. “Its possible you could be removing a cell with a predictable fate and causing damage”.[20]

A wide variety of concerned individuals and organisations including ourselves have been warning the HFEA for years that artificial fertility techniques carry dangerous risks. It is only recently that the HFEA has seen fit to investigate the matter further. Prior to any form of sex selection being practised, the HFEA’s assertions regarding health risks to mother and offspring should be independently analysed and the results placed in the public domain.

5. Legal and Regulatory Issues

5.1 Legal Issues

There can be little doubt that sex selection for social reasons, acceding completely to the preferences of the prospective parents, is contrary to section 13(5) of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990.[21] We therefore cannot envisage how sex selection for social reasons can be authorised under the present legislative framework, never mind regulated. Responsibility for any change in this state of affairs lies with Parliament and not the unelected HFEA.

Sex selection for social reasons is also prohibited by Article 14 of the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with Regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine. India has banned sex selection and various provinces in China have taken steps to ban the practice. Although the UK is not a signatory to the European Convention it is apparent that an international consensus is being built against sex selection for social reasons. In a recent debate in the House of Lords, a number of peers made reference to a perception that the UK has come to be regarded as the ‘El Dorado’ of embryonic stem cell research.[22]  If the UK were to endorse sex selection for social reasons, how could we with any integrity oppose the barbaric sex discrimination that goes on in other parts of the world? We would be moral and legal accomplices to the very practices which we condemn.

5.2 Regulation, the HFEA’s role and serious errors.

The consultation document assumes throughout that the HFEA would be an adequate regulator of the practice of sex selection. We would disagree.

The quotation on page 19 of the document is pertinent;

“It should be monitored by……a specialist organisation. I don’t want to be too hard on the medical profession, but doctors….may be quite lackadaisical about regulating.”

Sadly, events have proven that it is not only doctors who can be quite lackadaisical about regulating. Last year we learnt of embryo ‘mix-ups’ at two clinics, one at Leeds General Infirmary and the other at St George’s Hospital London and there is strong reasons to believe that these are just the tip of the ice-berg. Dr Sammy Lee, a respected embryologist wrote that he knew of at least six cases where the wrong embryos were put into women. He maintains that it is “galling that the HFEA has sought to brush aside any meaningful discussion of why mistakes occur in IVF clinics, and how frequently.”[23]

Professor Austin Smith of the Centre for Genome Research, University of Edinburgh, recently advised the House of Commons Science and Technology Committee that the HFEA’s secretariat is “inefficient and lacking in specialist knowledge……Research regulation seems to be at the margin of their activities.”[24] Professor Smith advises that the HFEA has asked him to peer review his own research application. Furthermore, it was recently disclosed that in 1997 the HFEA granted Professor Smith a licence to derive and characterise stem cell lines from human embryos, a full four years before this was authorised by Parliament in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology (Research Purposes) Regulations.

Evidence has also emerged that the HFEA has been allowing ‘egg-trading’ to be practised in at least one London fertility clinic[25] in contravention of section 12(e) of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990.

Indeed increasingly the HFEA exceeds its authority, taking over the democratic role of Parliament. Recently the High Court ruled that the HFEA exceeded the scope of its authority when it authorised PGD of human embryos in order to create tissue matches for sick siblings.[26]

In July 2002 the House of Commons Science and Technology Committee was highly critical of the HFEA;

“The Lords Stem Cell Research Committee reported that the HFEA is ‘highly regarded, both at home and abroad….[and] has the full confidence of the scientific and medical research community’….We are unclear on what evidence it based this assertion”.[27] (emphasis added)

The HFEA is an organisation in disarray and in its present form is not a ‘specialist organisation’ that can be entrusted with the regulation of the practice of sex selection.

It is true that “arguing for regulation of sperm sorting is…not the same as arguing for it to be allowed to take place.”[28] Yet the HFEA specialises in utilitarian, situational ethics that pander to the false dogma of reproductive choice and the popular vote. As the recent judicial review on tissue typing illustrates, it is a permissive and unelected quango that cannot be trusted as an effective regulator.

6. Ethical/Social Issues

We maintain that the supreme ethical issue concerns the status of the human embryo. To reiterate: the human embryo is an immature human being, worthy of the same degree of respect as you or any of us. Sex selection, for whatever reason(s) is unethical as it is predicated upon the destruction of human embryos.

6.1 Eugenics

Sex selection represents a form of eugenics. ‘Defective’ or unsuitable embryos are necessarily identified for destruction following arbitrary judgements by prospective parents and scientists. The consultation document refers to the possibility of applying the technology to the “avoidance of serious disease”[29]. This is merely a euphemism for the eugenic practice of destroying the carrier of sex related genetic disease. Rather than eradicate the carrier, as we state in section 4, we vigorously endorse in vivo research and treatment and further post-birth treatment to eradicate or minimise the adverse effects of such disease.

As regulation of section 1(1)(d) of the Abortion Act has proven (abortion on grounds of disability), the concept of ‘serious’ can prove enormously difficult to define[30]. Slippery slopes are often discounted but in view of the permissive approach to date of the HFEA, we have little doubt that unless sex selection is banned the definition of ‘serious’ sex-linked genetic will quickly expand to encompass many minor physical or mental abnormalities.

6.2 Sex Selection for Social Reasons

The arguments proposed in the consultation document against sex selection for social reasons[31] are ones that we would endorse. Rather than revisit them all in detail, we would like to highlight a number of important points.

Sex Discrimination

If sex selection for social reasons were to be authorised then, as the consultation document intimates[32], we would be implicitly condoning sex discrimination. When making decisions of this magnitude it is vital to consider the impact this would have upon those already living, for example siblings of the selected child. It may be difficult to feel self esteem when your parents consciously choose not to have another child of your sex. As soon as you start choosing at all on grounds of sex, you enter a realm of great moral difficulty where it is difficult to draw ethical boundaries.

Were Government to allow prospective parents to consciously choose the sex of their child for any reason or no reason at all, then it becomes harder to justify prohibiting employers from discriminating in the workplace or teachers from discriminating in schools.

We have already referred to the danger of the UK becoming the sex selection ‘El Dorado’ of the international community. The approval of sex selection practices for reprehensible and frivolous reasons in the UK would make it impossible to condemn the barbaric sex discrimination that persists in China, India and other countries around the world. It would exacerbate the serious demographic imbalances set out on page 26 of the consultation document. What is needed in India and China "is an elimination of inequality, not of baby girls".[33]  We should not underestimate the impact, positive or negative, that the decision whether or not to authorise sex selection for social reasons in the UK would have worldwide.

Slippery Slope

The slippery slope argument outlined in the consultation document[34] is extremely powerful. We maintain that since the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 British society has divested the human embryo of any moral value. This can be seen by the fact that when her report was published Baroness Warnock and her Committee insisted that we must always accord the human embryo some dignity, albeit that in certain cases it could be used for experiments. Ten years later the Baroness has admitted that this is non-sensical. “You cannot respectfully pour something down the sink – which is the fate of the embryo after it has been used for research.”[35]  A decision to authorise sex selection for social reasons, via, as would be likely, a combination of sperm sorting and PGD, would surely confirm her admission.

In these circumstances it would be hypocritical for Government and regulators to maintain that the human embryo has any ‘special status’. However once we give ourselves the authority to play God, surely we would have a duty to achieve the best possible results. If suitable technology develops the demand will arise for selection on grounds of intelligence, beauty and certain behavioural and character traits. One can envisage the arguments to justify such procedures on the grounds of ‘family imbalance’. It would become untenable to draw the line at mere negative eugenics when positive eugenics offers such an array of possibilities.[36]

6.3 ‘Family Balancing’

The concept of ‘family balancing’ does not acknowledge the possible adverse effects of sex selection on society as a whole. Families are not isolated units but constitute an integral part of a cohesive society.

The consultation document recognizes that the prospect of ‘positive eugenics’ may be as objectionable to those who endorse a permissive approach as it is to those of us who argue that these new reproductive technologies are unethical and should be illegal. [37] It then seems to suggest that so-called ‘family balancing’, as it is not tainted with positive eugenics, might be the overriding factor conferring acceptability on the reasons prospective parents might have for sex selection.

‘Family balancing’ is the latest in a long line of buzzwords that the HFEA and it allies have dreamt up to persuade the general public of the benign nature of proposed research and/or technologies. During the passage of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 we had the metaphysically dubious term ‘pre-embryo’. During the passage of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology (Research Purposes) Regulations 2001, when it was felt that the term ‘cloning’ might scare too many people by bringing to mind Huxley’s ‘Brave New World’ we were told that the use of cloned human embryos for destructive research was actually ‘therapeutic’ cloning.

‘Family balancing’ should be seen in this light. A family that lacks an equal number or reasonable distribution of boys and girls can hardly be said to be ‘imbalanced’. The consultation document recognizes this argument but states that the permissive lobby is not arguing that such families are imbalanced but that “there is something potentially better about families where children are of both sexes – a claim which is much less contentious.”[38]

No empirical evidence or studies are cited in support of this specious claim. In the absence of such evidence the consultation document then proceeds to state that “if this greater good can be realized by sex selection in a way which does no harm to others (emphasis added), should the state seek to prevent it? In this regard, we would refer you back to the statement at the opening of section 6.3.

Furthermore, we maintain that sex selection imposes a fatal harm on the human embryo. The argument propounded in paragraph 98 betrays the HFEA’s longstanding ambivalence towards the human embryo.

7. Conclusion

The human embryo is a human being entitled to the same degree of respect as any other human being. Destructive embryo research is unethical, regardless of the potential benefits such research may bring. Research on human embryos has not lived up to the great promises made in 1990 and it is ethical research which has resulted in major developments in, for example, the treatment of genetic diseases.

All three methods of sex selection outlined in the HFEA consultation document are predicated on destructive embryo research and should be illegal. Preconception sex selection is beset with technical difficulties and a high error rate. The likely combination of sperm sorting with PGD to counter these problems renders preconception sex selection unacceptable to us.  

Sex selection is a further step in the commodification of human life. We support ethical research and treatment to eradicate serious sex linked disorders. However, the identification and destruction of ‘defective’ embryos represents an unacceptable form of negative eugenics. Emphasis should be placed on eradicating the disease, not the carrier.

Sex selection for social reasons introduces positive eugenics. The consultation document fails to acknowledge that to authorize such a technique would remove any last vestiges of “respect” for the human embryo and make it philosophically untenable to oppose other forms of positive eugenics.

We regret that the UK has already come to be regarded as the cloning and embryonic stem cell ‘El Dorado’. To endorse a policy of sex selection for social reasons would further isolate the UK from mainstream international opinion on key bioethics issues. It would undermine national and international action to eradicate the brutal practice of sex discrimination in countries like India and China. We do not wish to see the already dire demographic imbalance in such countries worsened by policy decisions made in the UK.

The HFEA is not a competent regulator of sex selection and the other reproductive technologies. It is an arrogant, permissive, unelected quango which panders to a false dogma of reproductive choice. The recent outcome of the judicial review on the HFEA’s decision to allow tissue typing in conjunction with PGD demonstrates that the HFEA has exceeded its parliamentary remit. As the House of Commons Science and Technology Committee acknowledged last year[39] there is an urgent need for Parliament to consider these major ethical issues such as sex selection. “It is vital that the public are taken along with decisions of such ethical importance.”[40] Parliament, not an unelected quango, is the proper forum to achieve this.[41]

We hold that sex selection, whether for medical or social reasons, is unethical and should be illegal. We look forward to having the opportunity to debate this matter in Parliament in the near future.

8. Appendix A. The status of the human embryo

We consider that the treatment of the human embryo should be governed by the established principles of medical ethics as set out in the Declarations of Geneva and Helsinki. These may be applied, with some modifications for the special situation of the embryo or fetus, but with no changes of fundamental principle. The most relevant sections are:

The Geneva Convention Code of Medical Ethics (WMA in 1949)

"I will maintain the utmost respect for human life from the time of conception; even under threat. I will not use my medical knowledge contrary to the laws of humanity."

The Declaration of Helsinki (WMA, as revised 1975)

"In research on man, the interest of science and society should never take precedence over considerations related to the well-being of the subject."

 "The doctor can combine medical research with professional care, the objective being the acquisition of new medical knowledge, only to the extent that medical research is justified by its potential diagnostic and  therapeutic value for the patient."

This is the approach we take with regard to the treatment of human embryos and fetuses, and we would recommend it to the HFEA.


[1] Our position of the status of the human embryo is summarized in Appendix A.

[2] to be confirmed

[3] HFEA 3rd Annual Report (July 1994) pp. 10-11

[4] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction p.5 (HFEA: 2002)

[5] Ibid. p.4

[6] Ibid. p. 6

[7] Ibid. pp. 7-8

[8] “The development of a human being begins with fertilisation, a process by which two highly specialised cells, the spermatozoon from the male and the oocyte from the female, unite to give rise to a new organism, the zygote.” Langman, Jan. Medical Embryology. 3rd Edition. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins 1975, p.3.

“Embryo: the developing organism from the time of fertilization until significant differentiation has occurred, when the organism becomes known as a fetus.” Cloning Human Beings. Report and Recommendations of the National Bioethics Advisory Commission (USA), Rockville, MD: GPO, 1997, Appendix-2.

“Development of the embryo begins at Stage 1 when a sperm fertilizes an oocyte and together they form a zygote.” England, Marjorie A. Life Before Birth. 2nd ed. England: Mosby-Wolfe, 1996, p. 31.

[9] ‘Nature’  Vol. 418 4th July 2002 pp. 14-15

[10] Cmnd 9314 (1984).

[11] Hansard; 07.11.02 Col. WA145.

[12] Hansard; 05.12.02 Col. 1327 – “You cannot respectfully pour something down the sink – which is the fate of the embryo after it has been used for research.”

[13] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; pp. 10-11.

[14] Ibid. p. 16.

[15] Ibid. p.11

[16] Ibid. p. 27

[17] Ibid. p. 16

[18] Ibid. pp. 11-15.

[19] Ibid. p. 15

[20] a statement Alan Handyside who studies embryo abnormalities at the University of Leeds – taken from ‘Your destiny from day one’ Nature Vol. 418 4th July 2002 p.14

[21] “A woman shall not be provided with treatment services unless account has been taken of the welfare of any child who may be born as a result of the treatment.”

[22] House of Lords Hansard; 5th December 2002 Col. 1311ff – for example see Lord Chan at Col. 1339.

[23] ‘The Baby Factories’ The Sunday Telegraph 10th November 2002.

[24] House of Commons Science and Technology Committee ‘Developments in Human Genetics and Embryology’ Fourth Report of Session 2001-02; Appendix 4 Ev 14. HC 791 HMSO

[25] ‘Top IVF doctor is accused of exploiting childless women with egg trading’ London Evening Standard 2nd December 2002.

[26] Core judgement

[27] House of Commons Science and Technology Committee ‘Developments in Human Genetics and Embryology’ Fourth Report of Session 2001-02; p. 7. HC 791 HMSO

[28] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; p19.

[29] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; p. 21.

[30] Since 1995 there have been 25 abortions recorded for harelip. One was performed after 24 weeks.

[31] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; pp. 24-29.

[32] Ibid. p. 25

[33] Marteau, J.M., 'Sex Selection', B.M.J. 306 (1993) 1704.

[34] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; pp. 28-29.

[35] Hansard; 05.12.02 Col. 1327.

[36] a point made by Ruth Chadwick in Chadwick, R., 'Genetic Improvement' in Braine, D., & Lesser, H.,(eds.), Ethics, Technology and Medicine (Aldershot: Avebury, 1988) pp. 95-113.

[37] Sex Selection: choice and responsibility in human reproduction op. cit; pp. 28-29.

[38] Ibid. p. 29

[39] House of Commons Science and Technology Committee ‘Developments in Human Genetics and Embryology’ Fourth Report of Session 2001-02; pp. 11-13. HC 791 HMSO

[40] Ibid. p. 13

[41] As the House of Commons Science and Technology Committee observed; “Parliament does not need protecting and democracy is not served by unelected quangos taking decisions on behalf of Parliament.” Ibid.

 

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